Thursday 29 September 2011

Sri Lankan military attacks Tamil villagers

The Sri Lankan army brutally attacked villagers at Navanthurai in northern Jaffna on the night of August 22 after tensions broke out between the army and local people. It was the first major assault on Tamil civilians by the military since the war against the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) ended in May 2009.

At around 9.30 p.m. villagers chased some strangers, some of whom ran toward a nearby army camp. The military denied that the individuals ran into the camp. Hundreds of people gathered near the camp and protested, blocking a military vehicle that attempted to take away some soldiers in civilian clothes, an eyewitness told the WSWS.

The army attempted to force people away but failed. Soldiers, backed by police, then fired shots into air to disperse people.

After midnight, Navanthurai’s population was rounded up by hundreds of soldiers, who shot in the air and entered houses, breaking doors and dragging men away. The round-up recalled the wartime repression carried out by the military. Wives, mothers and children were also attacked when they tried to stop people being taken away.

Later, all those arrested were taken to a nearby playground and physically attacked until 3 a.m. Among them were patients suffering from paralysis and back pains. Some were undressed and assaulted. Balathurai Syagayarasa was naked in front of his mother when he was beaten. Detainees were later brought to a police station and subjected to another round of beatings.

More than 100 people were admitted to Jaffna Hospital under police custody. According to the judicial medical officer, S. Sivarooban, 22 people had bone fractures and many had internal injuries and head wounds. He said the injuries were caused by rifle butts, iron clubs, wires and shoes.

There has been widespread panic across the country during the past three weeks, caused by mysterious people intruding into villages, towns and plantations, sometimes breaking into houses. Residents have complained that these persons attacked them, particularly women, with sharp nails or blades and ran away.

According to eyewitnesses, some of these strangers wore masks, and some had applied grease to their bodies so residents could not catch them. For that reason, the intruders have been dubbed “grease devils.”

The police have been informed about these incidents but brushed them aside, saying people had succumbed to rumours. Many incidents have taken place in areas where Tamils live, including the North, East and the central hills plantation districts. After arousing suspicion, some intruders fled to the nearest military camps or police stations when people tried to catch them. About three people have died in these incidents, including a police officer, and several have been injured.

After the attack at Navanthurai, the military and the police imposed a curfew for two days and deployed heavily-armed soldiers. The market did not function, shops were closed and fishermen stayed at home. No one was allowed to move on the roads. Many villagers crowded into the hospital to see their relatives and neighbours.

Several incidents in Jaffna point to the military’s complicity in creating tension. On the same night, a stranger was caught by villagers entering a house at Aalangkaddai. He claimed to be from army intelligence. Soldiers arrived in a white van and fired warning shots to rescue him from protesters.

Similar events were reported in the villages of Karaveddy, Polikandi and Karahaththanpulam, where three thugs appeared with their faces covered with cloth. Such people cannot move around without the knowledge of the security forces. The military occupation of the North and East has only intensified since the LTTE’s defeat. The checkpoints, sentry points and mini-camps are still functioning in these areas.

At Navanthurai, Broon, a mechanic who suffered a fractured leg and internal injuries, told the WSWS: “I heard gun shots and people shouting. Just as I felt signs of danger, the door of my house was broken. They arrested me and my cousin and assaulted us indiscriminately. They did not care about weeping women but attacked them as well. Both my cousin’s hands were fractured. Many soldiers attacked me at the playground too.”

Ninety-one detainees were produced before the courts after four days and released on bail. They had to pay sureties of 5,000 rupees. Even so, the court imposed conditions, requiring them to report to the police once a week. Ten people who were still hospitalised were ordered to be detained until September 6.

The police opposed bail, accusing the prisoners of damaging state property and mobilising people to wage war against the government. More than 30 lawyers appeared in support of the victims.

Addressing the parliament on August 23, Tamil National Alliance (TNA) parliamentarian S. Sridharan insisted that people had enough evidence to say that the mysterious individuals were military men. He added that two armed people had entered houses in military-occupied town of Parathipuram at Kilinochchi and when people tried to catch them, they were saved by the military.

Responding to Sridaran, Dinesh Gunawardane, a cabinet minister, ridiculously asked him to name the mysterious persons, if they were from the military. Addressing a public meeting, Justice Minister Rauf Hakeem blamed the media for spreading such rumours.

Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapakse had encouraged the use of military repression, by warning that people “who take the law in to their hands will be severely punished.” After the Navanthurai incident, he declared that those “who carried out campaigns about the ‘grease devils’ will be considered as terrorist groups.” He insisted that “severe action will be taken against the people who carried out attacks against the army camps and police stations.”

Jaffna security forces commander Mahinda Hathurusinghe went further. He warned: “Those who were armed with clubs, stones, swords, knives, sand and petrol-filled bottles for the purpose of attacking law enforcement officers will be branded as terrorists and no mercy will be shown to them.” He went on: “We [the army] will never allow anyone to take the law into their hands” and “fulfil the ulterior motives of frustrated war mongers.”

The Island newspaper seized on the issue to whip up communalism, branding the protesters as “LTTE members”. Its headline stated: “Army thwarts ‘Pongu Thamil’ style raid on Jaffna detachment—Students among attackers.” The Pongu Thamil (Tamils Rising) slogan had been displayed by the LTTE and its supporters when they occupied some areas in the North and East.

Speaking to the WSWS, a lawyer explained: “The ‘grease devil’ has been created by the government. They attacked the people and then tried to charge them and show that protesters will be suppressed in such a way.” He pointed out: “Political critics can be murdered by the so-called grease devils without any evidence.”

Interviewed by the WSWS, a woman from Navanthurai asked why the mysterious individuals should run to the military camp if they were not sent by them. “The government does not allow us to live peacefully. We explained our problems to the government ministers who came during the election campaign. They are now silent. Only about 100 from Navanthurai were admitted to hospital but most are staying at home with their injuries, fearing they will be arrested if they go to hospital.”

It appears certain that the government and the military are creating these incidents to terrorise and intimidate Tamils, whose anger is growing against the continued military occupation, the curbing of democratic rights, the devastation left by the war and the continued detention of thousands of Tamil youth. (WSWS)

Thursday 15 September 2011

Sri Lankan government revives emergency powers in a new guise


With the expiry of longstanding emergency regulations at the end of last month, Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse has imposed new regulations and revived old police-state laws to ensure that the security forces have the same repressive powers.

Firstly, the president issued four proclamations dated August 29 to incorporate new regulations under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), which provides for extended detention without trial. The measures include: continuing the ban on the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), which was militarily defeated in May 2009, and the continued detention of Tamil youth as “LTTE suspects” in so-called rehabilitation camps.

About 6,000 people are being held for “rehabilitation.” None have been charged with any offense. Under the PTA, confessions extracted under duress can be used in court against “suspects.” The onus of proof in such cases rests with the accused—in other words, they are judged guilty unless they can prove their innocence.

Highlighting the government’s contempt for the constitution and the legal system, the president’s proclamations were simply announced and not properly gazetted as required by law until last week.

Secondly, Rajapakse issued a proclamation on September 3, declaring the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB), the main state-owned energy supplier, to be an essential service and thereby outlawing all industrial action by its employees. The president issued the order under the rarely-used 1979 Essential Public Services Act to ban a one-day strike called by the CEB unions for September 7.

Previously governments have used emergency regulations for the same purposes. The sole limitation in using the 1979 Act is that it only covers public sector employees.

Under the newly-announced regulations, anyone engaging in strikes “impeding” the work of the institution named, compelling other workers to take industrial action or “inciting such action by writing and speech” will face stiff penalties.

Punishment includes rigorous imprisonment for two to five years and/or fines of up to 5,000 rupees ($US45). If found guilty, a person’s property can be forfeited to the state. The Act specifically rules out any defence based the proposition that the employee engaged in industrial action was following a union decision.

Thirdly, the government attempted on September 5 to amend the country’s criminal code to strengthen the powers of police to extend the period of a suspect’s detention from 24 to 48 hours. The amendment was initially passed as a temporary measure in 2007 and lapsed in 2009. After the opposition objected to the legality of the new amendment, the ruling coalition backed down but vowed to rapidly introduce legislation to impose the measure.
Fourthly, Rajapakse notified parliament on September 7 that he had issued an order under Public Security Act calling on the three armed forces to deploy in 22 districts of the country “for the maintenance of public order.”

The order maintains what is effectively a military occupation, particularly in the North and East of the island. The Public Security Act enables the government to continue wartime security checkpoints and street patrols, and to use the military to suppress civil unrest. Members of the military called out under this law have sweeping powers, including of search and arrest.

Rajapakse is engaged in a diplomatic sleight of hand. The government ended the state of emergency not out of a new-found concern for democracy, but to blunt international criticism of its war crimes and abuses of democratic rights prior to the 18th session of the UN Human Rights Council that began on Monday in Geneva.

The Sri Lankan government was desperate to avoid a discussion of a report produced by a UN panel appointed by Secretary General Ban Ki-moon that found “credible evidence” of war crimes by the Sri Lankan military in the final months of the civil war against the LTTE.

The US, India and the European powers—all of which backed Rajapakse’s communal war and turned a blind eye to its war crimes for year—seized on the issue of democratic rights to pressure the Sri Lankan government into distancing itself from China. Beijing had provided substantial military and economic assistance to Colombo during the war.

The US, India and the EU have been advising Rajapakse to end the state of emergency and establish a credible investigation into allegations of abuses. The government’s own Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission is a sham that is stacked with its appointees to whitewash the record of the government and the military during the war.

Having allowed the emergency to lapse, Rajapakse has no intention of dismantling the vast police-state apparatus built up during a quarter century of civil war. The government is acutely conscious that its implementation of the International Monetary Fund’s austerity measures is deepening the social divide, giving rise to mounting discontent among workers, young people and the urban and rural poor.

In particular, the imposition of an essential services order on CEB workers is a warning to the entire working class. The government did not hesitate to deploy the military against striking workers during the war and will do so again under the Public Security Act in the name of maintaining essential services.

During the parliamentary debate on the deployment of the military under the Public Security Act, cabinet minister Nimal Siripala de Silva justified the government actions, saying: “We need them [such laws] to prevent possible threats of terrorism in future and to ensure public security.” As further justification, he referred to the US Patriot Act, noting: “If anyone is arrested under it, we will not know what will happen to him or her.”

None of the trade unions opposed the imposition of the essential services order against the CEB employees. This includes the Ceylon Electricity Employees Union, controlled by the opposition Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), that is the leading force among the CEB unions. The trade union combine simply called off the September 7 strike, saying the minister had promised to pay salary arrears withheld since last year January. The unions are continuing their role during the war as industrial policemen for the government and employers.

The response of the opposition parties—the JVP and United National Party (UNP)—has been to meekly accept most of the new regulations and orders. Their occasional posturing about democratic rights is completely cynical. They fully backed the communal war and continued to vote for the monthly extension of the state of emergency until well after the LTTE’s defeat. Both parties voted in 2007 for the extension of the police powers to which they now object. This record underscores the fact that there is no constituency within the Colombo political establishment for the defence of basic democratic rights and legal norms. (WSWS)